On Antisemitism, Israel, and Why Context Matters

October 7: What Happened and What It Means

On October 7, 2023, thousands of Palestinians from Gaza breached the Israeli border. They murdered roughly 1,200 Israelis—civilians, soldiers, and festival attendees at Supernova, a music festival near Re’im. Many were tortured. Many were raped before being killed. This wasn’t a military incursion; it was a slaughter of civilians by armed groups, primarily Hamas.

Israel responded with military force. This is not unique. This is what any nation does when attacked on its own soil.

The Comparison Test

In 2001, after 9/11 killed 2,977 Americans, the United States invaded Afghanistan and later Iraq. The wars that followed killed an estimated 600,000 to 1 million people in Iraq alone—many civilians. The international community called this justified self-defense.

No one debates America’s right to respond. We don’t argue that the U.S. should have absorbed the attack and done nothing.

Israel received no such grace.

On War, Casualties, and the Nature of Conflict

Let me be direct: modern war is not clean. Not that it ever was, really. But the parties to war used to wear distinctive uniforms. You knew pretty clearly who was fighting and who were bystanders. That’s changed. Hamas doesn’t wear a uniform. Hezbollah doesn’t wear a uniform. They operate from civilian areas, fire from hospitals, hide in schools. This blurs every line that used to exist.

In World War II, the U.S. firebombed Dresden, killing 22,000 civilians in a single night. We dropped atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. These are historical facts. They were decisions made in wartime by a democratic nation we now revere.

I’ve known people who served in Iraq and Afghanistan. They’ve told me they killed children—kids holding weapons, kids that posed an existential threat in that moment. They carry that weight. And you know what? If you’re an American soldier and a child with an AK-47 has you in their sights, you fire. You don’t negotiate. You don’t die to preserve the child’s life.

The same applies to Israeli soldiers.

Hamas operates from hospitals, schools, and residential areas. This is documented and verified by human rights organizations. When Israel strikes a weapons cache in a hospital, the resulting casualties are real, and they are tragic. But they are not proof of genocide. They are proof of war.

To call this genocidal while ignoring that Hamas’s stated goal is the destruction of Israel and the death of all Jews is selective morality. It’s not analysis—it’s bias.

The Land Question: History Without Mythology

I’ll ignore biblical claims. I’ll ignore divine providence. Let’s talk brass facts about how real estate works at a state level.

The Ottoman Empire controlled the Levant (modern-day Israel, Palestine, Syria, Lebanon, and surrounding areas) for roughly 400 years, until the empire’s defeat in World War I. The Ottoman leadership weren’t Palestinian nationalists—they were Turkish administrators ruling a diverse population of various ethnic and religious groups.

When the Ottoman Empire lost World War I, the victorious powers (primarily Britain and France) divided its territories. The League of Nations granted Britain a “mandate” over Palestine. This was not occupation by Israeli force. It was the standard post-war process: winners redistribute territory.

The Balfour Declaration and Early Zionism

In 1917, British Foreign Secretary Arthur Balfour issued a statement supporting a “national home for the Jewish people” in Palestine. This wasn’t revolutionary—it was a response to decades of Zionist movement advocating for a Jewish state as refuge, particularly after pogroms in Russia and Eastern Europe.

This was legitimate international policy, not colonial theft. Britain had the authority; they made a choice.

Partition and the Wars

In 1947, the UN proposed partitioning Palestine into a Jewish state and an Arab state, with Jerusalem under international control. The Jewish leadership accepted. The Arab leadership rejected it and prepared for war.

In 1948, Israel declared independence. Arab nations invaded immediately—Egypt, Syria, Jordan, Iraq. Israel won.

In 1967, Arab nations attacked again (the Six-Day War). Israel won decisively and took territory: the West Bank, Gaza Strip, and Golan Heights.

Here’s the part people don’t want to hear: when you lose a war, you lose territory. This is how international relations have worked for millennia. Israel didn’t invent this rule.

Had Israel lost in 1948 or 1967, there would be no Israel today. No one would be writing op-eds about “stolen Palestinian land”—because Israel wouldn’t exist. The same people now calling for Israel’s dismantling would be satisfied with its erasure.

The Peace That Almost Happened

In 2000 and 2008, Israel offered Palestinian leadership deals that included roughly 97% of the West Bank, a capital in East Jerusalem, and compensation for refugees. These were rejected.

The only acceptable solution for hardline Palestinian leadership has been the complete elimination of Israel and the return of all land to Arab control. If Iran told France that the only path to peace was an Iranian flag flying over Paris, what would France do? Not negotiate. Not compromise. Defend itself. Israel did the same.

The Double Standard

On LGBTQ+ rights: Israel has one of the world’s strongest protections for gay and lesbian citizens. Pride parades are legal and celebrated in Tel Aviv. Hamas throws gay people off rooftops. Yet the same activists who condemn Israel say nothing about this.

On women’s rights: Israeli women serve in the military, work as judges, lead companies. Palestinian women under Hamas governance have far fewer protections. The same activists don’t acknowledge this.

On free press: Israeli media is boisterous, critical of government, and free. Palestinian media, controlled by Hamas and the Palestinian Authority, suppresses dissent. We don’t hear about this.

On comparative military spending: Iran has spent decades funding Hamas and Hezbollah to attack Israel. These aren’t just militant groups—they’re proxy armies of a state that chants “Death to America” and “Death to Israel.” We don’t talk about that either.

“If you are in a fight and an unarmed person charges you, and you have a gun, you use the gun. You don’t disarm and go hand-to-hand. This is basic self-defense.”

The framing of Israel as the “aggressor” ignores four decades of rocket fire, suicide bombings, and proxy wars funded by Iran. It ignores that Hamas and Hezbollah exist for one stated purpose: the destruction of Israel.

The Underdog Myth

We’re culturally trained to root for the underdog. It’s a beautiful instinct. But who is the underdog?

Palestinians are outgunned compared to Israel—that’s true. But why? Because Israel invested in technology, education, and economic development instead of solely in military hardware. Israeli engineers gave the world Waze, the chip technology in iPhones, agricultural innovation, and medical breakthroughs.

Why This Matters: Antisemitism as Politics

Here’s what exhausts me: the equation of critiquing Israeli policy with antisemitism is sometimes overblown. Fair criticism exists. Netanyahu is a divisive figure in Israel itself. Israeli settlement policy in the West Bank is contested even by Israelis.

But there’s a line.

When you call Israel a “genocidal apartheid state” despite evidence to the contrary. When you reduce the entire Jewish people to blood-thirsty killers. When you march with signs saying “Gas the Jews” (which I’ve seen). When you celebrate October 7 as resistance rather than condemn it as terrorism. When you deny Israel’s right to exist while demanding rights for every other nation—that’s not politics. That’s antisemitism dressed in a keffiyeh.

We will not apologize for surviving. We will not accept the condition that everyone else gets a nation-state but we don’t.

On Disagreeing With Israel (And Being Honest About Why)

I need to say this plainly: it bothers me that Israel—a nation known for threading the needle to avoid civilian casualties at all costs—has stepped away from that precision in this most recent war.

As an American, I have the right to disagree with this. I want Israel to abide by the rules it has set on itself. I respect the country and its leadership to make a different decision—to conclude that the October 7 attacks went too far and that escalation was necessary. I understand that calculus, even if I don’t fully agree with the tactics.

But here’s the thing: I say this from a relatively comfortable perch 7,500 miles away, where the only bomb I have to watch out for is a seagull at the beach.

Perhaps we’d all feel a little differently if we were tired of living life out of a bomb shelter. Perhaps our moral clarity would look different if we’d lost family members to rocket fire for four decades. Perhaps our certainty about proportionality and restraint would soften if we’d just survived the worst attack on our people in generations.

I don’t know. I’m not there. I’m here. And that matters.

So when I say I disagree with some of Israel’s tactics, I’m also saying: I hold that disagreement loosely. I acknowledge the limits of my perspective. And I will not allow that disagreement to be weaponized by people who want to use it to justify calling for Israel’s destruction or to delegitimize its right to exist.

There’s a difference between saying “I think Israel made a strategic mistake” and saying “Israel is committing genocide.” One is a legitimate policy critique. The other is propaganda.

Iran, Nuclear Weapons, and Why This Matters Beyond Israel

Let’s talk about Iran. Under Obama, we had a deal—the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). That deal should have remained in force. It wasn’t perfect, but it was functional. A different U.S. administration saw fit to abandon it. I won’t relitigate that decision, but the consequence is clear: Iran resumed its nuclear program.

Netanyahu has been sounding alarms about Iran for decades. He’s asked every president since his rise to power to take nuclear weapons off the table—not necessarily to change Iran’s regime, but to prevent a nuclear-armed adversary from destabilizing the region. Is Israel nuclear-armed? Yes. It’s the worst-kept secret in defense circles. Israel’s ambiguity around its arsenal has been a deliberate strategy—a deterrent. If pressed, the implicit understanding is that Israel would respond with nuclear force. Over decades of conflict, Israel has been tested and has not resorted to nuclear weapons.

Now consider Iran’s stated goals: “Death to America.” “Death to Israel.” Some of that is propaganda. But at what point do you take those threats seriously? Whether Iran was a week, a month, a year, or three years away from a nuclear weapon, the fact remains: a nuclear-capable Iran with a stated desire to not just eliminate Israel but to assert itself on the regional and world stage is a danger to everyone.

On Democracy and Failure

When I was younger, the West—led by the U.S.—did a fantastic job in the wake of the Berlin Wall crashing down. Countries like Croatia, Poland, and Ukraine (before Russia destabilized it) transformed from Iron Curtain nations into thriving democracies. It worked.

Then came the Arab Spring. We learned that democracy is hard work. Efforts to install democracies in Egypt, Libya, and Tunisia haven’t gone well. The effort to make Iraq a democracy went awry. And this administration handed Afghanistan back to the Taliban—the same Taliban that harbored Osama bin Laden on September 11.

What Jews Actually Want

Comedian Modi Rosenfeld said something that stuck with me: “Jews are the only religion without marketing. We don’t seek to grow. We don’t actively seek new members. We want one thing only—leave us the hell alone.”

For a country being accused of colonialism, we have to be the worst colonizers in history. Eighty years of existence and 8,500 square miles to show for it. The only time Israel has expanded territory was when attacked. Israel gave back the Sinai Peninsula for peace with Egypt. Israel attempted to give Gaza back to the Palestinians for peace, but instead received rocket fire since 2005. If not for the bombardment, Gaza would have an airport, freedom of movement, and economic development. But you can’t have freedom of movement with bombs flying overhead. It’s not possible. It’s not practical. No country would stand for it.

Israel is the manifestation of that desire on a national scale. A place where Jews can live as a majority, build institutions, and defend themselves. That’s not colonial ambition. That’s survival.

On Selective Outrage

If you stand for Palestinian suffering, your outrage should also be directed elsewhere—at the suppressed Arab world, at Tibetans living under Chinese occupation, at Taiwanese facing existential threats from Beijing, at the Kurds carved up and oppressed across multiple nations, at Uyghurs in internment camps, at Rohingya facing ethnic cleansing in Myanmar.

But it’s not. The outrage is selective. It’s Israel-specific. That’s not principled human rights advocacy. That’s bias.

To the Goons Marching With Keffiyehs: A Reality Check

I’ve spent my life standing up to bullies. I fear no one. I will take on any antisemitic asshole who crosses my path. But here’s what I’m watching: you’ve picked a cause, wrapped yourself in a keffiyeh, and decided you’re righteous. You’re not. You’re a racist.

That keffiyeh isn’t a fashion statement. It isn’t a protest symbol. It’s a signal—a signal that you’d rather live under Sharia law than admit you’re backing a movement that throws gay people off rooftops, stones women, and executes political opponents.

Do you know what Sharia law actually means? It means women need a man’s permission to work. It means apostasy is punishable by death. It means homosexuality is a capital crime. It means Jews—and Christians, and Yazidis, and anyone who doesn’t fit the mold—are second-class citizens if they’re tolerated at all.

You’re wearing the symbol of that future and calling it liberation.

The problem isn’t that you care about Palestinian suffering—suffering is real, and caring about it is legitimate. The problem is that you’ve decided to express that care by calling for the destruction of the only functioning democracy in the Middle East, by celebrating terrorism, and by rebranding antisemitism as anti-Zionism.

That’s not activism. That’s cowardice wrapped in ideology.

You want to help Palestinians? Push their leadership to accept a state. Push them to build schools instead of weapons caches. Push them to recognize Israel and negotiate in good faith. But you won’t, because that requires intellectual honesty—and honesty doesn’t fit the narrative you’ve already committed to.

So you march. You chant. You wear your keffiyeh. And you sleep at night telling yourself you’re on the right side of history.

You’re not. You’re on the side of theocracy, misogyny, and the erasure of a people who have survived 2,000 years of diaspora and genocide.

I’m not asking you to change your mind. I’m telling you what you actually are: a useful idiot for regimes that would execute you if you lived under their law.

What’s Actually Happening Now

Israel is in talks with the UAE, Bahrain, and Saudi Arabia. These aren’t secret—they’re documented. Why? Because these Arab nations fear Iran, not Israel. They understand that Iran’s regional ambitions are the real threat.

This doesn’t fit the narrative of an evil apartheid state. So it’s ignored.

Israel remains a functioning democracy, however flawed. It has a free press, contested elections, and citizens who vehemently disagree with their government’s policies. I wish for different leadership. I have questions about October 7 security failures and long-term strategy.

But I’m not going to stand here and accept the rewriting of history by people who won’t read a history book.

On Survival and What It Means to Be American

My great-grandparents and great-great-grandparents fled Kyiv in 1881 because of the pogroms. Pogroms were violent attacks against Jews—organized, brutal, and a direct predecessor to the genocide that followed. They came because they understood: when people tell you they want to kill you, believe them.

My grandmother came through Ellis Island at age 9 with a different lineage. No relatives I know of who remained in Europe survived the Holocaust. They either came to North America or they died. I exist because they escaped.

I will not accept a return to that world. Not quietly. Not apologetically.

I’ve been dead. I’ve been on a yard and defended myself and my faith. I fear no one. And I will not stand for people telling me I’m not American enough or that I don’t belong here.

I am a third-generation American. My family came to this country to build a life. We’ve done that. We’ve contributed to its fabric. We’ve fought for it. We’ve bled for it. And now someone on a campus or at a protest is going to tell me my loyalty is suspect because I support the right of Israel to exist?

No.

That’s where I stand.

Jews have been integral to American society since the founding. We’ve contributed to technology, medicine, law, art, and culture beyond measure. Our country is richer for us. We’ve bled for it. We’ve built it alongside everyone else.

And we’re not going anywhere.

Israel is on the map. It will remain on the map. It will defend itself. It will make peace with those willing to make peace.

Am Israel Chai. The people of Israel live.